The late US vice-president Dick Cheney, who has died at the age of 84, was regarded as arguably the most influential holders of that position in the nation's history. While countless VPs had to settle for marginal or ceremonial functions, Cheney held huge influence during the term of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was often called as the "actual president".
Bush resented this portrayal and claimed the dynamic was more complicated. He pointed out that Cheney was respectful, always referring to him in official appearances as President, while he called him as Dick. Bush disputed even portrayals of their association as a collaboration because it suggested that they were equals. Despite these objections, Cheney found the laidback president pliable on a whole raft of administrative determinations.
A Period Following the Attacks
In charge of a contingent of neo-conservatives that included military head Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in response to the September 11th attacks on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been taking part in a gathering at a elementary school in Florida. As Bush made his way to a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney took charge, commanding the destruction of any non-communicating aircraft nearing the US Capitol.
Cheney stated the attacks transformed him, making him become intent on retribution. Along with other neo-cons, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a occupation of Afghanistan in an attempt to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the invasion of Iraq, although there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Debated Actions
He voiced no apologies about the armed intervention, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis died, and not about the enhanced interrogation of individuals rounded up after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion, which was predicated on faulty information repeated by Cheney, was the correct course of action. "It was the correct action to do then. I had faith back then and I maintain that stance today."
However even then, there were opposing views at a senior level about the poor management of Iraq. One of the White House's own delegates to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not reappointed from the position. "I observed, at the very least," he wrote later "true dereliction, inaction, and unaccountability: in the worst case, deception, unfitness, and graft."
Additional Factors
Cheney was not solely to blame for the Iraq campaign. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for such action. He had composed a document setting out scenarios in which American interests might be endangered (encompassing "availability of crucial commodities, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "America should be positioned to operate alone when joint efforts cannot be orchestrated," particularly citing armed actions against Iraq.
Bush additionally had entered the Oval Office vaguely intent on implementing what his parent had specifically avoided to do in 1991; topple Saddam. Following he had been fired by the administration, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill disclosed how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had declared his plan of reducing America's engagement in the regional tensions and mooted military action against Iraq.
Bush held a individual resentment against Saddam, convinced he had been responsible for a conspiracy to murder his parent, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He also disliked that one of the biggest accommodations in Baghdad had a floor mural with a portrait of his father's face that everyone had to walk over.
Questioning Techniques
Yet it was Cheney who was among the most vehement behind attacking Iraq, frequently referencing agency briefings that were both insubstantial or totally inaccurate. He endorsed what the Bush government politely called as "advanced techniques", the employment of waterboarding and torture.
Answering a Senate document in 2014 that found that no actionable intelligence had resulted from the torture, Cheney disregarded the report as "riddled with crap". He told Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to implement measures and establish initiatives to catch the bastards who took the lives of 3,000 of us on 9/11 and ensure it never happened again. That is precisely what they did and they deserve a lot of recognition."
External Perception
Cheney took pleasure in labels given to him by opponents such as Darth Vader and The Prince of Darkness, and by the idea that he was a shadow power directing Bush. In the journalist's 2013 book about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is reported as stating: "Do I represent the malevolent mastermind in the corner that nobody ever sees leave his lair? That is a nice way to operate, in fact."
Commercial Ties
Dispute over his business interests accompanied him through his period as second-in-command. Even though he had little experience in commerce but established relationships in military, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's most substantial petroleum conglomerates, in 1995 as chairman and chief executive.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's election partner for the presidency. Controversially, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was given US deals valued at billions.
It significantly boosted his finances. His annual income during his period at the firm grew from his previous salary during his time as defence secretary to $4.4m. When he resigned in 2000 he had a package valued at more than $20m|twenty
